Across 96 Street

By Gideon F.

East 96 Street is the great divide of Manhattan. Like the railroad tracks in thousands of small towns across America, it separates two polar neighborhoods. Below it are some of the richest zip codes in the world and above it, poverty reigns. It is a street like no other in the city. However its place in history was decided somewhat arbitrarily. In the early twentieth century the upper east side was dotted with mansions, many of which still exist today. 96 street was as far north as they were built. That was were the money stopped. However, the growth of this area was stunted by the elevated train that ran along second avenue. It was one of many ćEl Trainsä that were run by steam and later by electricity in the city. The rich communities of the upper east side were eager for a change and greatly supported the construction of the east side IRT system, the first underground subway in the city. On October 27th 1904, the Lexington avenue IRT was put into operation. The train ran underground from its original starting point at City Hall up to the 96 street station. But in between that station and the 103 street stop, the express trains again rise above the surface. This is because the neighborhoods above 96 street were just developing at this point and couldnāt supply the funds or the political force to keep the subway below them. The lack of influence coupled with a valley that would have made the underground system more difficult and expensive to build was enough to overwhelm any resistance to an elevated train. This was the first break in what would become a deep rift in the city. The political and economic power centered below 96 street continued to push the things it didnāt want in its community northward. There are homeless shelters and bus depots above the line that simply couldnāt be built below it due to the political influence of the neighborhood.

There are countless statistics to compare. Under 96 street, only 5% of households have an annual income under $10,000 while above 96 street, over 35% earn less than $10,000. In 1996, below 96 on the East side there was an average of 4 infant deaths per thousand children born, above 96, that number rises to 12 per thousand born.

The majorities of both communities have expressed little interest in changing their relationship. Spanish Harlem and its surrounding area have created their own cultures within the city. The upper east side expectedly resists actions aimed at integrating the two communities in any way. Upper east siders point to higher crime rates as a reason to remain aloof, ignoring the reasons for the decreased living conditions. However, in recent years as the Hispanic population has grown exponentially in the city, it has become harder to justify the disparity in wealth and power between two adjacent communities. 96 street was increasingly being used as a microcosm for growing polarization in the country.

Though it seems as though these two neighborhoods will never unify or at the least interact positively, there is a new glimmer of hope. At the barrier between these two worlds, on 96 between Lexington and Third lies a neon blue brick school building. The building houses the Isador & Straus School (PS 198) and the Lab School (PS 871). PS 198 is a primarily black and Hispanic grade school with most students living above 96 street. The Lab school is a competitive elementary school attended by mostly white middle to upper class kids from District 2 which covers the East Side from the financial district up to 96 street. The students must take a placement test to attend the elementary school version of Hunter or Stuyvesant. Although PS 198 is improving, the two schools represent the best and worst of New York public schools. In 2000, 88% of the students at the Lab school scored at or above state reading levels, while only 67% reached that plateau at PS 198, in 1999 only 40% kept up with the state standards.

15 years ago, PS 198 had one of the lowest attendance rates and test scores of any New York Public School. Less than 35% of the students were reading at or above their grade level. The Board of Education (BOE) was considering closing the school. Instead of completely closing the school, the BOE decided to make it smaller. They cut the enrollment from roughly 1,000 to 320. This left half of the building unoccupied and the Lab School, which needed a change of scenery, decided to move into the second half of the building. The Lab School was expanding and the building they were in couldnāt hold the number of students they had. The schools rarely came into contact with each other and interactions between the students were scarce. Teachers from both schools reported that some parents warned their children about the students from the other school. The schools staggered their dismissal times to avoid any confrontations.

But from 3 PM to 6, Monday through Friday, children from both schools come together to surf the internet, dance, play basketball and do their work. Bringing together these diverse schools wasnāt easy. There was hesitation on both sides. PS 198 already had a smaller after-school program and the parents of Lab students often sent their kids to private after-school programs.

The after-school program for PS 198 was run by the Stanley M. Isaacs Center, a neighborhood settlement house. The Isaacs Center supports youth programs in East Harlem and Yorkville serving over 5,000 inner-city kids, senior citizens and families. It was founded in 1964 and provides a variety of programs for people of all ages. Most of the programs are geared at the people living in the Isaacs/Holmes housing development and the neighborhood surrounding it. The Isaacs Center used PS 198 to run an after-school program for members of its community. PS 198 is a Beacon School which means the school works in close association with the community center. The Isaacs Center uses the school building for adult and childrenās programs and for meetings. In addition to using the facilities, the Isaacs Center has a hand in the curriculum of the school. They provide guest speakers and often recommend good teachers to the school. The after-school program run by the Isaacs Center out of PS 198 served only kids from PS 198.

75 students attended the Isaacs Center after school program at the school. The Lab students went to their private karate or music lessons after school. However, when The After-School Corporation (TASC) a non-profit organization that starts after-school programs in public schools around the city, offered PS 198 and the Lab School a grant to bolster their after-school programs, the schools were faced with a decision. Because the two schools were both in the building, in order to receive the TASC grant at least 90 kids from each school must attend the program. The principals from both schools were apprehensive about the project, but the money was needed to upgrade the program, and TASC was offering the best option. Gloria Buckley, the principal of PS 198 and Elizabeth Kasowitz, the principal of the Lab School decided this was the best way to establish a relationship between the schools. For most people in both communities, bridging the gap between PS 198 and Lab was not a priority. The parents from both institutions had their stereotypes neatly in place. After school, the PS 198 kids would walk north in packs while the Lab students would go south in their fleet of taxis. However, there were supporters in the community who saw the TASC program as an important first step in unifying a community that had been divided for years.

TASC is in its third year of existence. It is a non-profit organization that gives grants to public schools to start after-school programs. It was originally funded by the Open Society Institute (OSI), a foundation started by philanthropist George Soros that funds a variety of programs all around the world. TASC supports over 100 New York City public school programs serving over 25,000 students with plans to expand to 80 more schools by the start of next year. TASC wants to have kids develop a connection between schoolwork and their daily lives. If there is no bond between schoolwork and the world outside the schoolās walls, the students cannot see the importance of their education. TASCās director, Lucy Friedman remembers looking over the unique and controversial proposal for the program at PS 198, ćWe knew the divide between the schools represented the larger picture of that neighborhood and we were interested in beginning a process to bring the two communities together. Many of the parents were prejudiced so we wanted to start with the kids.ä

The students from the two schools did not have problems coming together. The parents represented a larger concern, but there have not been any problems in the programās first year. The program has exposed the children of both societies to a different world that, in many cases, was unknown to some kids.

Ramon, an eighteen year old counselor remembers a third grader in his group from the Lab school telling him about his first visit to a friend from PS 198ās house. ćI didnāt know the subways came up to the streets, they make so much noise. Carlos (his friend) was so used to it, he barely noticed the noise.ä

Alexandra Reitzes, the Site Coordinator for PS 198 feels this is the first step toward completing an impressive mission. Next year she hopes to create a community based project, having students study both sides of 96 street and learn about different parts of the city. East 96 street has always been like a glass door between two contrasting societies, giving each a distorted view of the other. Ms. Reitzes hopes to one day shape a ćschool cultureä that incorporates the Isaacs Center, PS 198, the Lab school and the parents from both schools.

Ms. Reitzes is an Ethical Culture graduate and went to Fieldston for middle school. Her memory of the school culture that existed at Ethical is what shapes the vision for her school. ćAt Ethical and Fieldston, the morals of the community were ingrained in every lesson we were taught and the students developed their own sense of how the morals affected them. Respecting other peopleās ideas and not being afraid to offer help or ask for it were the most important things I took from Ethical and Fieldston.ä Ms. Reitzes meets with her fifteen counselors and five junior counselors regularly to make sure everything is running smoothly and to remind them to tie everything they teach back to the larger community.

The after-school program is the first step in a long journey. As Ms. Reitzes explains, ćThe parents from the Lab school are still much more involved than the PS 198 parents. Itās hard to get them (PS 198 parents) involved, because they have so much to deal with already... but we donāt expect this to be an overnight success, it will definitely take time and effort from every party.ä

PS 198 is one of TASCās most pivotal and successful programs. It encompasses everything the organization wants to accomplish. The counselors at PS 198 now are using the two polar worlds to begin a project on different cultures. The students have the unusual chance to study a foreign culture that is just minutes away. The program is a unique step forward in neighborhood fusion. Progressives see the after-school project as a huge leap towards diversifying a city that is often divided, sometimes down to the block, by racial and cultural differences. While the two neighborhoods will always have obvious distinctions, the time when it is no longer a surprise to children that the subway surfaces or that the world doesnāt end at 96 street is coming.